[Science] What Is Cognitive Offloading? A Simple Guide to How It Works

Every time you set a phone reminder instead of memorizing an appointment, or ask a chatbot to summarize a report instead of reading it yourself, you are doing something psychologists call cognitive offloading. The habit itself is ancient, but a wave of recent research is asking a sharper question: what happens to our own performance in the moments when the tool isn’t there?

What Is Cognitive Offloading?

Cognitive offloading is the use of physical action or an external tool to reduce the mental effort a task would otherwise require. Psychologists Evan Risko (University of Waterloo) and Sam Gilbert (University College London) published an influential review of the concept in 2016, in Trends in Cognitive Sciences, which remains the field’s clearest framework for the idea. Rather than solving a problem entirely “in your head,” you shift part of the work onto your body or your environment.

It’s a far older behavior than smartphones. Tilting your head to read an upside-down sign, counting on your fingers, or jotting a phone number on a scrap of paper are all forms of cognitive offloading. What has changed is the scale and power of the tools available — calculators, GPS, search engines, and now generative AI assistants can take over not just small chores but entire chains of reasoning.

The idea is closely related to the “extended mind” thesis, proposed by philosophers Andy Clark and David Chalmers in 1998. They argued that a notebook carried everywhere and consulted automatically can function, for practical purposes, as part of a person’s memory system — their famous example involved a man named Otto who used a notebook the way most people use their own recall. Risko and Gilbert’s later work gave this philosophical idea an empirical, testable framework: when exactly do people choose to offload, and what happens to their underlying skills when they do it repeatedly?

How It Works: A Decision Loop, Not a Switch

Imagine being asked to remember five errands on the way home. You could hold them all in mind, or you could write them down. Risko and Gilbert’s framework treats this as a running cost-benefit calculation rather than a one-time choice: the decision depends on how demanding the task feels, how confident you are in your own memory, and how much effort writing the list would save.

The important detail is that this calculation runs on perceived demand and confidence, not necessarily on actual ability — and people’s self-assessments can be mistaken, so they sometimes reach for an external aid even when they could have managed without it. Whether repeated reliance on a tool gradually changes a person’s confidence or unaided performance over the longer term is a related but separate question, one that is harder to answer than the moment-to-moment decision itself. Offloading isn’t inherently a problem — compensating for a busy week with a written list is a perfectly sensible trade — but it is a trade worth noticing rather than making automatically.

Why It’s Back in the Spotlight Now

Cognitive offloading has been studied for decades, but generative AI has pushed it from a niche academic topic into a mainstream concern. A widely discussed 2011 study in Science by Betsy Sparrow, Jenny Liu, and Daniel Wegner found that once people believed information would remain accessible online, they remembered where to find it far better than the information itself — a pattern nicknamed the “Google effect.” That study is a useful historical analogy rather than direct proof of what AI chatbots do to the brain: a search engine mainly stores and retrieves information, while an AI assistant can also perform reasoning-like tasks, draft text, and summarize on a person’s behalf, which is a different kind of delegation that researchers are only beginning to study on its own terms.

The question researchers are now asking is not whether people offload thinking to AI, but how much of their own judgment they lose when the AI isn’t there.

A 2025 study published in Societies by Michael Gerlich surveyed 666 participants and reported a statistically significant negative correlation between frequent AI tool use and scores on critical-thinking tasks, with younger, more AI-reliant participants scoring lowest. Because the study measured AI use and critical-thinking ability at a single point in time, it cannot determine whether frequent AI use weakens critical thinking, whether people with different existing abilities simply use AI differently, or whether some other factor explains both — but it adds to a growing body of research raising the same question from different angles.

Everyday Examples You Already Use

Cognitive offloading shows up in ordinary moments far more often than most people realize. A few familiar examples: writing a shopping list instead of memorizing items, letting a smartphone calendar track every appointment, typing a destination into GPS navigation instead of memorizing the route, and asking a search engine a factual question instead of trying to recall it. In most of these cases the trade is a fair one — a shopping list, for instance, tends to help you finish the errand without costing you much else. The more interesting question researchers are asking is which kinds of offloading are closer to that fair trade, and which carry a greater cost to independent performance later on.

A 2020 study in Scientific Reports, led by Louisa Dahmani and Véronique Bohbot at McGill University, examined this trade-off directly with GPS. In a sample of 50 regular drivers, heavier GPS use was associated with weaker spatial memory on unaided navigation tasks. A smaller follow-up of 13 of the same participants about three years later found that people whose GPS use had grown the most over that period also showed the steepest declines in spatial memory — a dose-response pattern the authors say is more consistent with GPS use contributing to the decline than the reverse, though they are careful to flag their small sample size and note that the direction of cause and effect is not fully settled.

Not every example involves memory. Risko and Gilbert’s framework also covers offloading onto the body itself — pointing at an object instead of holding its location in mind, or using a finger to keep a place while reading a long list — and “intention offloading,” where a sticky note or phone alert carries the job of remembering to act later, rather than the job of remembering the information itself. A related but distinct idea is automation, where a system completes part of a task with no decision from the user at all. A GPS app that both tracks your route and reroutes you around traffic without being asked is doing more than simple offloading; it raises its own, separate questions about what happens to a skill when a person is never required to exercise it in the first place.

What Recent Research Shows

The clearest recent demonstration comes from a UC Berkeley–led study published in 2026. Researchers ran three randomized trials with 1,222 participants who solved math and reading problems either with or without ChatGPT. Everyone then had to solve a final set of problems entirely unaided. Participants who had previously relied on the AI scored markedly lower on those unaided problems than participants who had worked alone from the start — in one trial, 57% versus 73% correct. Related article: AI Assistance Reduces Persistence and Hurts Independent Performance looks at this study’s full results and the researchers’ own caveats about how far the findings generalize.

None of this means offloading is simply bad. In a self-reported, non-randomized part of the same study, participants who said they had copied AI-generated answers directly scored the lowest on the unaided follow-up problems (65% correct on average), while participants who said they had used the AI only for hints scored close to those who never used AI at all. Because that comparison is based on what participants reported about their own behavior rather than a randomized condition, it should be read as a suggestive pattern rather than a proven result. Still, it points toward a recurring theme across this research: the question is less whether to offload and more how — leaning on a tool for a finished answer looks different, in its effects, from using it as a scaffold while you still do the thinking yourself.

Sources: Risko & Gilbert, “Cognitive Offloading,” Trends in Cognitive Sciences (2016), Gerlich, “AI Tools in Society,” Societies (2025), Columbia News on Sparrow et al., Science (2011), American Psychological Association Monitor (2026)

See also: Why Letting AI Help Can Erode Your Grit and AI Summaries Can Distort Human Memory.